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New Developments
on Stories Featured in
Catholic World Report

Light in darkness
Christians of the Holy Land struggle to maintain hope

Cardinal Roger Etchegaray, serving as the personal representative of Pope John Paul II, brought a message of hope to the Christians of the Holy Land as he celebrated Mass in Jerusalem on January 1. “Take courage, you are not alone!” the cardinal told the Christians of Jerusalem.

Cardinal Etchegaray, the chairman of the Vatican’s committee coordinating the Jubilee, traveled to the Holy Land for ceremonies closing the Holy Year there. On January 1—the World Day of Peace —he presided at Mass in the cathedral of the Latin-rite Catholic patriarchate of Jerusalem.

“This land is your land, too; you have the right to live here, and the duty to work for peace here,” the cardinal told the Arab Christians. He said that today the Christian presence in the Holy Land is “more necessary than ever, for the future of peace in your land.” And he added that no peace agreement could endure without “peace in the people’s souls and in their hearts.”

On January 2, Cardinal Etchegaray delivered the same message to Christians in Bethlehem. After a delay caused by the insistence of Israeli officials that the Vatican delegation show a special permit before entering the town, the Pope’s envoy celebrated Mass in Bethlehem, and urged the Christians there to work together with both Muslims and Jews to restore peace in the Holy Land. On his return to Rome, Cardinal Etchegaray told reporters that the “real problem” in the Middle East is the number of extremists, both Israeli and Palestinian, who “will always reject peace.”

Bishops’ Christmas message
To mark Christmas 2000, the patriarchs and heads of all the Christian communities in the Holy Land addressed a joint message to their people in which they affirmed that “our people will not enjoy many of the customary Christmas celebrations in this land this year” because of violence and insecurity, and they urged international leaders to “rekindle their hope.”

The message said that “the land of Jesus’ birth cries out in pain—hope has been replaced with fear, despair, pain, loss, and death. Stones and shells are competing unequally on a daily basis. Palestinians and Israelis are living once again with the painful realities of violence, terror, injustice, closures, insecurity, and dehumanization.”

“We remain conscious that our people will not enjoy many of the customary celebrations for Christmas this year,” the Church leaders said. “Yet we urge them not to lose sight of that event in Bethlehem some 2,000 years ago.” They called on all Christians, in the Holy Land and throughout the world, to work and pray for peace. “We have heard and accepted the Gospel of the peace of Christ and we are his witnesses and ambassadors who are entrusted with the message of reconciliation,” they wrote. Referring to the shepherds of Bethlehem who heard the first news of the Messiah’s birth, the message concluded: “We—not unlike the shepherds—can go forth into the darkest of nights, glorifying and praising God who came to save mankind and to fill the earth with justice and peace.”

Bishop under attack
A car carrying a Catholic bishop came under fire from Israeli soldiers at a checkpoint on the West Bank on Wednesday, January 10.

Bishop Giacinto-Boulos Marcuzzo, a Jerusalem auxiliary, was traveling from his residence in Nazareth to the village of Zababdeh, in the Israeli-occupied territories. He was riding in a car clearly identified as a diplomatic vehicle, flying the Vatican flag, as he approached an Israeli military checkpoint. There, the soldiers refused to let them pass.

Father Elie Kurzum, the bishop’s secretary, was driving the vehicle. He reported that when he was turned away from the checkpoint, he stopped by the side of the road, hoping to talk with the soldiers and convince them to let the car pass. Instead, a soldier shot at the bishop’s car. When Father Kurzum shouted at him to hold his fire, the priest reported: “He answered me, ‘Go away or I’ll put a bullet in your head.’” Father Kurzum says that two more shots were then fired at the car, as he accelerated away from the checkpoint.

Bishop Marcuzzo immediately went to a nearby military post and complained to the commanding officer there. The officer apologized, and agreed to accompany the bishop back to the first checkpoint, so that they could pass without further incident. The officer also agreed to tell the soldiers that the bishop would be returning within an hour, and should be allowed to pass through the checkpoint once again.

However, when Bishop Marcuzzo returned after visiting the sick priest, the soldiers again stopped his vehicle at the same checkpoint, and leveled their guns at the car. This time the driver immediately reversed his tracks, without attempting to talk to the soldiers. The bishop eventually returned to Nazareth by another, more circuitous route.

No one was hurt in the checkpoint incident. However the bishop’s secretary, Father Kurzum, remarked: “It’s just to say that the Israeli soldiers—they are very quick to use their guns.” A spokesman for the Roman Catholic Patriarch of Jerusalem observed that the incident was a clear violation of the right of freedom of movement. He added: “If this happens now, with such a high-ranking personality, what could happen every day and night to our simple common people?”

—CWR Staff

Time for revival
A new president faces his daunting task

When President Vicente Fox decided to start his term on December 1 with a prayer before the image of Our Lady of Guadalupe, it was certainly his most eloquent indication that he was breaking from the strict secular traditions of the deposed Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI). But it was not the only such gesture by the new Mexican leader. When he left his hotel on the morning of his inauguration, Fox went in the direction opposite the route to the congressional building where the ceremony would take place—toward the Guadalupe basilica. And during the inauguration ceremony itself, his young son broke through security lines carrying a crucifix, which—to the amazement of the assembled legislators—the new president devoutly kissed.

The meaning of Fox’s gestures was abundantly clear. Maria Angeles Fernandez, a columnist for the daily El Heraldo, characterized his behavior as “certainly a slap in the face of anti-clericalism—a quick and eloquent break with the past that many people had predicted Fox would try to avoid.” The elderly women who cheered Fox at the Guadalupe shrine also clearly grasped the importance of his gesture, shouting: “This is the end for the atheists and Freemasons!”

The president’s open demonstrations of faith have been strongly criticized by PRI leaders as well as by representatives of the left-wing Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD). Miguel Bartlett, a PRI militant and a former Minister of the Interior, accused Fox of striking “cinematographic poses.” He said: “We are not against religion, but using religion as an instrument for popularity is absolutely regrettable.”

“PRI members will have to get used to the fact that this is a new era, in which expressing religious beliefs in public is a completely natural thing,” responded Jose Luis League, the leader of Fox’s PAN party in Mexico City. Fox, he explained, “is breaking old myths and putting an end to the false ‘separation of Church and state’—which was basically an excuse for an anti-religious system.” A similar opinion was expressed by Bishop Raul Correa, of Saltillo: “President Fox is part of the Mexican people and Mexico is mostly Catholic. There is nothing strange or irregular in expressing publicly what he is.”

A new Code
But the visit to the Basilica of Our Lady of Guadalupe and the breakfast with homeless children at a shantytown in Mexico City were not the only signs of change in the new president’s administration. Other measures seem to show that Fox wants much more than just cosmetic changes in the stew of patronage, persuasion, bribery, corruption, and vote-rigging that has marked Mexico’s political and economic systems for most of a century.

During his inaugural speech, Fox asked Mexicans to judge him, at the end of the 6-year term, by his success in implementing seven key reforms:

  • consolidation of a truly democratic system;
  • “critical advancements” in social justice;
  • educational reform aimed to “ensure the possibility for all Mexicans to become educated;”
  • a steadily growing economy;
  • de-centralization of Mexico’s government powers;
  • the establishment of a transparent, accountable public administration, to end widespread corruption; and
  • a forthright war against violence and crime, “so that Mexican families may sleep safely at night.”
There is no doubt that Fox is off to a promising start. His popularity is rising, and currently some 82 percent of Mexicans support his program of reforms. But according to several analysts, he is still facing significant challenges ahead. Lorenzo Meyer, a well-known political columnist, observes that the first conflicts will come when powerful members of the PRI find that they are no longer able to draw personal advantages from their government positions. Meyer also predicts that the new president will face backlash from “local leaders of unions and grassroots organizations who have traditionally submitted to the government in exchange for benefits.” Furthermore, the journalist points out that there are “organized-crime figures and drug traffickers with undeniable links to corrupt officials in the past government, who will not accept changes in the rules of the game.” Meyers believes that “to face these problems successfully, Fox will need the qualities of the sort of statesman who does not appear frequently in history.”

Federico Muggenburg, an advisor to Fox, has more modest expectations of the new regime. He says that “the president does not have any pretensions that he can solve all the problems that have been piling up in Mexico over the last 70 years.” What Fox does promise, Muggenberg says, is “a new trend that—based on honesty, efficiency, and rules of morality rooted in the Mexican Catholic soul—will put Mexico back on track.”

Muggenberg is not alone in cherishing such hopes. José Manuel Villalpando, a columnist for the daily Reforma, asked: “Are we at the dawn of the flowering of the pillars of Mexican nationality?”

Our Lady and the Republic
For a long period of their nation’s history, Mexicans believed that they owed their independence from Spain to the Virgin of Guadalupe.

In 1822, the first independent Mexican congress decided to place an image of Our Lady of Guadalupe on the main wall of their assembly hall. The reasoning of the legislators was: “For in the Blessed Mary our nation beholds the sure hope of its exaltation and prosperity, and under her venerable name the glorious enterprise of our independence was proclaimed and carried out.” When the image was unveiled, Mexico’s lawmakers proposed that “the Mexican Army honor the image with the rank of general captain” and all present were invited “to make an act of veneration by kneeling before the image.” It was also agreed that “December 12 is to be the greatest day for America, due to the marvelous appearance of the Virgin Mary of Guadalupe.”

The conviction that the Virgin of Guadalupe participated in the Mexican Independence goes back to 1810, when the revolutionary leader and Catholic priest Miguel Hidalgo not only invoked her name but turned her image into the banner of the revolutionaries. “We have raised her as the flag of salvation for our homeland,” he announced on September 10, 1810. “She shall support us and help us in the magnificent task, giving strength to the weak, hope to the shy, and courage to the timid.”

The men following Hidalgo were also convinced of her powerful intercession. One of the many revolutionary soldiers spurred on by this mystic fervor took the extraordinary step of changing his name to honor the Virgin; he became known as Guadalupe Victoria.

Independent Mexico elected its first president in 1824. He gained his popularity through his service as a revolutionary leader, but also through his name: Guadalupe Victoria. “What an honor for a nation that its first sovereign should bear such a name, the name of the Protector of Freedom!” a poet wrote at that time.

Not long afterward, however, the history of Mexico descended down a path of tragedy and suffering. The image of Our Lady of Guadalupe was erased from the wall of the legislature. José Manuel Villalpando charged, “The revolutions and the government of the PRI eradicated her from all political life, and in doing so, divorced Mexico from its most profound roots.”

“Consolation and defense during the war of Independence; actor in the war for freedom, the Virgin of Guadalupe was not called for to protect us in our civil wars nor was she called to free us against foreign invasions; nor was her aid requested in the recurrent economic crisis and by no means was her name implored against impunity and corruption,” Villalpando recently wrote.

Even one of the country’s most influential liberal writers, Ignacio Manuel Altamirano, pointed out that Our Lady of Guadalupe is “the symbol of our nation’s hopes.” Villalpando wrote, “There have been too many lost years! Let us hope this is the time for a revival.”

—Alejandro Bermudez

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